Monkeywrenching and Conflict in NVDA From what I hear and see of the practice of nonviolence in this country today, the question of "monkeywrenching" has the potential to either enhance or seriously damage our movement towards community empowerment for a peaceful, harmonious planet. In Nonviolence Today the question seems to be most often debated around issues of * Is the destruction of property violent or nonviolent? * Is secrecy violent or nonviolent? * What is the impact on public perception? * Will it cause repression our movement can't withstand? I suspect that these questions can only ever be answered in particular - related to concrete issues and proposals as they emerge in real-life campaigns, under real-life conditions. And in this sense they are questions to be left to those activists and participants confronted most immediately by them. To this extent I am critical of Robert Burrowes' presentation of nonviolence as a priori excluding sabotage from consideration, and I find continuing references to a definitive literature to be elitist and disempowering. I can understand the temptation for some activists to score easy points by labeling adherents of this view as "the Church of Nonviolence". However, critical as I am of Rob's position, I am horrified by the egoism and lack of self-discipline shown by some of the "feral" action junkies who assume that sabotage is the first and most powerful line of defense for Planet Earth. In this article, I would like to offer some arguments based on specified observations. "Project Sunburn" Some months ago, after long and careful thought, I took a personal position on "monkeywrenching" in one particular campaign - and I think this position has some general value. The issue was a small one, involving the destruction of a few dozen trees at Griffith University, and the erection of an Expo Sunsail there. However, as is the way of such things, the issue was also a large one- the right of a community to more decisions regarding its development, and the defense of that right against the arrogant power of elitist technocrats. It is important to say here that for nine months leading up to the destruction of the trees, a number of people, myself included, had tried all available forms of discussion and negotiation to arrive at a better proposal. In all cases we had the majority (but not unanimous) support of the University community. In all cases our proposals were dismissed without proper and careful consideration by the power structure. After the trees were cut down, I felt great grief and anger. Outrage really. I was determined that the perpetrators of this act would never realize the object of their desires. (I reasoned that to allow them to do so would only encourage them to further dawn raids, and further illegitimate exercises of power). I determined that if the Sunsail was erected, I would "burn it down", and I made such statements publicly to the officials responsible. It is interesting to note two things about these early statements. * when made orally, it was shocking and offensive to some, but mostly it was disregarded as either empty words, or simply an expression of anger. * everybody, myself included, assumed that the action, if taken, would be secretive, in order to allow it to be carried through at all. For me though, the statements sprang from a genuine and deeply felt commitment. I felt bound to act, and therefore bound to carefully consider my actions. As I thought, I arrived at some decisions. * it would not be a secretive action, but would be done publicly, as a work of performance art. A date and time would be announced and invitations issued. I would stand trial, and go to prison for it if need be. * the act of destruction would be intensively prepared for through a process of community discussion and consultation to promote understanding, improve the action, and win support. * I would work diligently at a parallel process of trying all available means to get the University to reverse its own decision, and rehabilitate the damaged area. Toward all these ends, I sent a letter to the Chancellor of the University, setting out my intentions and the reason for them. The thoughts I would like to offer for general consumption are these: On determining to make the action public, and to make myself fully accountable to the processes of law, I felt myself to enter a position of great power. I was occupying "the moral high ground" in a way which would compel the attention of the community I was part of. I believed my action was just. I believed I could demonstrate that justice to any audience. I also felt myself to be demonstrating the limitations of unjust power. No matter how much money, time, legal power, or technical expertise the University officials had, they could never achieve their goals while even one person stood firm on principles they were willing to self-sacrifice for. To me, the essence of this power was the willingness to self-sacrifice. It was definitely a very scary feeling to put myself in a position where I might serve up to seven years imprisonment - but I could see no other way. Once the decision was taken, I felt comfortable and confident with it. It felt right. The other illuminating factor was the amazing degree of support I gained from the faculty staff for my position. If any reader is a student or staff member of a University, you will know yourself the "apathy" (or what I prefer to call powerlessness) of academics today. Yet these academics did become motivated when they learned of what I was doing. One very conservative professor offered support, both financially towards publication, and as an expert witness at any trial, and networked very effectively with other faculty members to make the issue a live one with them. Five academics out of twelve I approached agreed to "form a professional opinion" about the administrative processes of the University and transmit that opinion in writing to the Chancellor. I think this mobilization of the faculty shows that monkeywrenching does not necessarily alienate members of the general public. In some circumstances, where the issues can be made clear and direct, people will understand that strong actions are necessary. The willingness to accept personal responsibility and punishment legitimizes the action in the hearts and minds of all those who are aware of and involved in the issue. The point I am trying to make here is that I believe there is a place for monkeywrenching, and that it can meet with public affirmation and support, provided * the actions are carried out publicly, with those who commit them being willing to accept trial and punishment * there is a strong focus on community education and awareness of the issues involved, including why such actions are necessary * there is a strong parallel attempt to pursue resolution of the underlying problem through all available means. The end result of this particular exercise was in March this year when the University Council decided to sell the Sunsail, and rehabilitate the area into a forested theatre. Fraser Island Actions I got involved with the Rainforest Action Group in Brisbane when they were looking for Nonviolence workshops in Brisbane, for some blockade actions to stop logging on Fraser Island. The initial workshops were to lead up to an action camp between 17-20 April. (There are more to come - workshops and action camps.) The issue of monkeywrenching has been raised on three occasions so far. On two of them it was raised in ways which were destructive to group process. I believe the problem was the sense of "urgency and despair" which is carried by numbers of direct activists, and the lack of adequate tools and understanding for dealing with that. The first time the issue was in the first workshop evening - the main themes of which were: * what is violence? * responses to violence * anger and prejudice * what is nonviolence? Some eighteen people attended the workshop, and the question of monkeywrenching was raised towards the end of the evening. It was an issue all these people had thought about, and they used the workshop as a means of exploring and clarifying their perspectives and feelings. To conclude it, we went around the circle, sharing. About three quarters of those present thought monkeywrenching was something to consider, and something they would be willing to carry out - but almost all who thought so qualified it as "a last resort". Each time someone said so, the question was posed "last resort for who?" - with the clear suggestion that in some circumstances, it would be the trees', or the other beings', last resort who were threatened with destruction, and we would sometimes be obliged to act on their behalf, to gain time for other means to work. The next evening's workshop was meant for roleplay, but the group turned it to strategy, and planning. At this evening, there were newcomers to the workshop, some of whom held a clear, personal preference for some form of monkeywrenching. I believe their experience with other actions may have led them to expect automatic opposition to monkeywrenching - but their way of putting it forward at this workshop was to insist on it being treated as the issue for first discussion, and the only viable option for a 'real' action. In effect, this prevented the continuing group from building on their earlier understanding, and planning an action they were comfortable with. I believe it also interfered with trust-building and solidarity. Of interest here also is that it was the same group of monkeywrenching advocates who argued most strongly against the group's right to call for an "alcohol and drug free camp". Attempts "to limit people's personal freedoms" were portrayed as fascism and police thuggery. The third time the issue was raised was at Hervey Bay on the first (preparatory) day of the action camp where a number of people had arrived and prepared as an affinity group, ready and equipped to carry out some eco-defense actions. Unfortunately, most others (including myself) were not in a position to create the space for such affinity groups to operate. In addition to a whole lot of information/ideas/preparation (necessary to understand and justify a monkeywrenching action) being missing, the camp was logistically very difficult to organise. The affinity group people did not feel able to remain within the large group meeting structure - which was spending a lot of time going over what was for them old ground. They left to go to the island and carry out reconnaissance/independent actions. As they were leaving, the whole group asked for an assurance that monkeywrenching actions would not be carried out prior to consent. This undertaking was given, and carried through - although it meant these people did not achieve their original aims at any time during the camp. The large group heaved a sigh of relief when these people left for the island, simply because their presence required a constant focussing of attention on an issue of undoubted importance, but one we were incapable of resolving at that time. It remains to be seen what happens in the future. Conclusion I have a very strong feeling that we must create: * a means of introducing/continuing a constructive debate on monkeywrenching at all sites of civil disobedience actions. * a mechanism for allowing affinity groups to design and carry out monkeywrenching actions if any vital and/or long term situations seem to warrant it. And for this last I would recommend that the agreement we should ask for is simply "if you won't act openly, willing to do the prison time you'll earn, don't do the action." Bryan Law