A Bold Initiative in Lithuanian Defense Among the under-reported but significant news stories of the past few months is an astonishing development in Lithuania. According to a press release from the Lithuanian Information Centre in New York, the Government declared on February 28, that nonviolent direct action by civilians was to be the country's primary line of defense in the event of "active occupation" by forces of the Soviet Union. Not since the France-Belgian occupation of Germany's Ruhr region in 1923 has a government taken this stance, but the current policy is vastly more sophisticated at the outset than was the Weimar Republic's. Coming after the recent heady experiences of "people-power" in East Central Europe and elsewhere, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania has spelled out the rudiments of a full-scale civilian-based defense operation. Founded on the recognition that Lithuanians have no realistic military option, but that their collective behaviour is not irrelevant to the success or failure of Soviet domination, the policy specifies what to do, and when, to defend society from further encroachments. In the event that the elected Supreme Council is "forcibly constrained from acting as the highest governing body of the state", organized resistance is to begin, led by a "provisional defense leadership". All actions, laws, orders and decisions of the occupying force are to be considered illegal and confronted with disobedience and noncooperation. All government institutions and officials are legally required to withhold collaboration. Citizens are reminded by the declaration that they have a right to defend themselves and their property, but are enjoined to rely on nonviolent methods as "the primary means of struggle for independence". Ironically, the end of the cold war and the "new world order" ensure that the Lithuanians, unlike the Kuwaitis, will not have a coalition of united nations to back them if it comes to a bigger fight with the Soviet Union. They will be lucky to get a few symbolic sanctions wielded on their behalf. Under the circumstances, their option for a self-reliant civilian-based defense is both practical and shrewd. The question remains, of course, whether it can succeed. The outcome will depend on many factors, but prominent among them will be how an embattled Gorbachev (or his successor) counts the likely costs of a protracted struggle with a disciplined and nonviolent population, using methods that are not so easily repressed if one cares about one's image abroad. That calculation will in turn depend on how credible the Lithuanian policy in fact is. Anyone who has been watching the Baltics carefully for the past two years will not underestimate the seriousness of this initiative. It is nothing more or less than "people power" with the force, resources, and planning capabilities of a committed government behind it. Christopher Kruegler From Nonviolent Sanctions, (vol. II, no. 4, Spring 1991) published quarterly by the Albert Eistein Institution, 1430 Massachusetts Ave, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA.