Responding with Words not Whips

Amid the storm of controversy surrounding the Pak Mool Dam project at the end
of 1993, a band of villagers took a stand by making a human barrier around
the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand's dam construction site to
call for fairer compensation for being forcibly removed from their homeland.

In February of 1994, an array of Isaan farmers unhappy with their
impoverished living conditions took their plight to the streets,
participating in a week-long march from their northeastern hometowns to
Bangkok.

More recently, in a rally in support of political activist Chalad Vorachat
last month, yellow cloth banners were hung on tree trunks around the
demonstration venue marking the area as a peace zone.  Thousands of yellow
flags featuring the word 'nonviolence' together with bunches of roses were
distributed among protesters.

In what ways are all these events similar?  They were all carried out using
nonviolent methods.  But what is the true meaning of nonviolence?  How do
people perceive the concept? And what is happening with the movement in
Thailand?

Defining nonviolence
"Nonviolence is a means to solve disagreement or to react to particular
situations without enforcing violence, especially physical and
life-threatening harm, toward people of the opposite side."  This broad
definition of the concept appears in the book Saang Santi Duay Mue Rao
(Creating Peace With Our Hands) published by the Coordinating Group for
Religion in Society (CGRS).

"Nonviolence," as it says in the book, "is a powerful strategy in that it can
deprive unjust authoritative power, not through the use of weapons, but
through disobedience or refusal to comply with the power."

According to senior nongovernmental social worker Santisuk Sopanasiri,
nonviolence discourages partisanship at all levels.  "To practice
nonviolence, we must try to cut off dualistic ideas and develop the ability
to see our opponents and ourselves as one.  We are all humans alike and we
all can make mistakes.  Your mistakes and my mistakes are the mistakes of
mankind which we must work together to solve," he said.

Santisuk, who is also a committee member of the Campaign for Popular
Democracy, admitted it is difficult to put this non-dualistic idea into real
practice.  "We are, all through our lives, taught to compete with one 
another in order to be the winner, to be the best. We are rarely taught to
adore a situation in which there is neither a winner nor a loser."

Also, nonviolence proponents believe that the nature of human beings is
ultimately good.  Therefore, when nonviolent protesters are attacked with
physical harm and their only response is resistant peace, it is thought to
act as a powerful weapon, evoking the sympathies of the attacker.

Thammasat University Deputy Rector Associate Professor Chaiwat Sathanand, a
nonviolence theorist, said, "Believing in nonviolence means we have respect
for the humanity in other people. If people don't have such respect, they
tend to regard others as objects and feel justified to beat, hurt or even
kill them.  But one thing must be remembered," the Deputy Rector emphasized,
"nonviolence does not teach you to surrender to injustice.  That's why it is
always more difficult to exercise nonviolent action.  How can we fight
against injustice, evil and inequity in this world without abusing the people
behind the phenomena?  This is not an easy question."

A strategy or a way of life?
Santisuk, after his long years working in nongovernmental organization (NGO)
circles, believes in nonviolence as a way of life, saying the practice is
most meaningful when it starts from inside oneself.  "Working with NGOs is
another aspect of nonviolence.  The effort is meant to help eliminate social
inequity which, in itself, is considered structural violence (it being the
social structure which allows people to take advantage of others)."

Napaporn Rattanavong, a young female NGO worker with CGRS, is another person
who believes that nonviolence should be taken up as a way of life.  This, she
explained, means nonviolence upholders should, to some extent, try to live a
disciplined life.  For her, this means operating under Buddhist religious
precepts.  "I think the most permanent and realistic nonviolence is in
ourselves. The concept is best  reflected in our relations with the people
around us."

Meanwhile, Chaiwat said he would rather place emphasis on the strategic
quality of nonviolent action.  This means developing the efficient use of
nonviolence as a strategy in order to create social changes.  "I don't talk
much about nonviolence as a way of life because I want to communicate with
larger numbers of people in general.  To discuss nonviolence as a way of life
you can address only a limited number of people from some religious
backgrounds.  Yes, I agree that it is morally superior for people to develop
a peaceful,  nonviolent lifestyle.  But whether the process is effective in
this global society is another question ."

And to carry out nonviolent action, the academic insisted that at times it is
inevitable that actions may cause trouble for those the protests are directed
against.  "For example, workers striking for a pay raise certainly create
problems for factory owners," he said. "Ask me whether I would consider this
a nonviolent  method and the answer would be 'yes'.  The workers hold the
strike merely to increase their bargaining power.  They don't do any physical
harm to their employers, nor do they set the factory on fire."

It is difficult, Chaiwat said, to create a definitive scope for nonviolence. 
"Some people may say a rally on the street is violent because it blocks the
traffic flow and causes inconvenience for the public.  It depends on how each
individual perceives violence. Therefore, it is important that you determine
what you consider violent and nonviolent first, before you start an action."

"But one thing occurs," he elaborated. "People sometimes use nonviolent
methods without being aware that they are doing so.  In these cases, some
elements of violence might unconsciously be included in their actions.  They
may say some provocative words such as 'blood must be washed with blood.' 
Such words are unlikely to be said if people are aware that they are using a
nonviolent strategy."

"I'm not sure whether I could call what is happening in Thailand an actual
nonviolence movement," remarked Chaiwat, adding that he would not consider
something a movement unless there were common objectives among participants
and substantial coordination.

The movement in Thailand
According to Santisuk, the concept of nonviolence in Thailand is closely tied
with Buddhist principles which have an emphasis on mercy.  Chaiwat agreed
with this, saying, "The nonviolence movement in Thailand, if it could be
called a movement at all, was first started by members of Buddhist clubs in
universities."

That was almost twenty years back when a group of university students who
rejected the strong influence of Marxism at that time, and who believed in
nonviolence as a means to solve social confusion, formed their own group
called Kalayanamitr (Good Friends), which was later changed to Santi Sungkhom
(Peaceful Society).

Activist monk Phra Phaisan Visalo, who is a prominent upholder of nonviolence
and a founder of the Kalayanamitr group, conceded that the nonviolence
movement in Thailand has not made much progress over the past two decades. 
Although there have been numerous training sessions on nonviolence for the 
staff of NGOs, university students and villagers, the scale of success is
still limited.

Meanwhile, Chaiwat, although not very impressed with the government's level
of understanding of nonviolence spoke optimistically on behalf of the 
people.  "Although the mass perception of nonviolence among Thai people is
not up to a satisfactory level right now, the situation is improving.  At
least the word 'nonviolence' is more frequently mentioned now than before.

"Whether we are aware of it or not, Thai people have improvised several
nonviolent strategic actions which I've never seen in other countries," he
continued.  "The ordination of large trees [by performing religious rites and
putting orange robes, like the ones worn by Buddhist monks, around the trees
in an attempt to rescue them from being cut down by illegal loggers] is one
example."

The use of advanced communication technology such as mobile telephones and
fax machines to spread information during the May 1992 pro-democracy 
uprising is another example of Thai people's innovation of nonviolent action,
according to Chaiwat.  "Villagers are nonviolent by nature," said Napaporn
from her experiences working with rural villagers.  "However, there are times
when they integrate nonviolence and violence.  Normally they start with
petitioning, seeking negotiations and holding protests.  But once these
nonviolent measures fail, they will eventually shift to the use of violence."

Santisuk cited what he considers the reasons for the slow progress of the
nonviolence movement in  Thailand.  "We, the Thai people, have long been
under the influence of authoritarianism.  It is only in really no way out
situations that oppressed people will stand up and fight."

The public's lack of understanding of social structural problems was another
factor which obstructed the growth of the nonviolence movement, he said.

Phra Phaisan said one of the weak points in the nonviolence movement in
Thailand is the public's lack of understanding of the concept of nonviolence.
"The government has a low regard for people's demonstrations, saying that
they are undemocratic.  For them, democratic activities are confined to ones
that take place within Parliament."

As for the people, the monk commented that many people are under the false
impression that demonstrations are the only form of nonviolence.  This
results in people becoming discouraged when a demonstration, for whatever
reason, does not bear fruit.  They can easily lose faith in the methods of
nonviolence.  "Eventually," the monk said, "I must say it is the lack of
substantial strength among nonviolence upholders that is primarily
responsible for the limited success of the nonviolence movement in our
country."
Varaporn Chamsanit
Reprinted from The Nation,  July 29, 1994