Nonviolence in Hungary

A dozen years ago, at the height of the Cold War, I had some (now
self-evident, then quite revelatory) perceptions as I travelled around
Hungary. This was the land of my parents, yet those young conscripts sitting
opposite me in the metro were supposed to be the communist enemy. The
military aircraft that flew overhead were MiGs. But here too, in the
classless society, it was black Mercedes (not Trabants) that waited outside
the offices of the powerful. And, here too, lovers held hands in the park.

In parts of Budapest walls were still pockmarked with bullet holes from the
war and the 1956 uprising and many were covered with graffiti. But in this
country - where politics has so often taken such a bloody course - the
graffiti was of the order of Jancsi loves Juliska and the names of pop groups
(usually Western, and, for some reason, most commonly AC/DC). Where were the
signs demanding that "Ruskies Go Home", "Foreign Bases Out", "Say No to
SS-20s", "Nuclear Disarmament Now"? In this land of fiery politics, except in
the form of the compulsory registration of foreign visitors, the political
was absent from the gaze of the casual observer.

It is now hard to remember the fear that gripped Europe in those years as
Reagan and Brezhnev were facing off. The pessimism was palpable. There was a
belief in the probability, not merely possibility, of nuclear destruction
within our lifetime. The West spawned massive peace movements, possibly the
biggest social movements of all time. The threat was real and ordinary
people, who were deeply concerned about their future and that of their
children, took to the streets in tens and hundreds of thousands.

If the Cold War ever turned hot, the primary killing ground was going to be
Germany and Central Europe. And Hungary with its Warsaw Pact membership and
Soviet military bases was surely targeted more closely than we were with our
ANZUS treaty and Nurrungar and Pine Gap.

What were the Hungarians doing about it? Where was their peace movement? At
first glance it seemed that they were doing nothing, that there was no peace
movement. I asked friends why they were not taking to the streets, and was
quickly put in place for my arrogance.

I was reminded that our Palm Sunday marches were little more than pleasant
strolls with friends we had not seen since the last demo followed by picnics
and concerts. Where was the cost? And it was a bit like that. We did not have
to put our politics ahead of our personal security or the future prospects of
our children. Where the state controls jobs and educational opportunities and
does not tolerate criticism, to take to the streets is more than a picnic.
But there was a Hungarian peace movement other than the official state
sanctioned one.

(A "peace movement", according to peace historian April Carter, that is not
independent, non-aligned or willing to criticise its own government is not an
authentic peace movement. When, contrasting our activism with their seeming
passivity, I commented to a friend that we were busy protesting against US
bases and cruise missiles with a wry smile he was quick to inform me that so
were they!).

The independent movement was small, consisting mostly of cells of students in
universities and high schools with little coordination between groups and no
links with the Western movements; and the marches against nuclear weapons
that they tried to hold in the early 1980s were taken over by the Communist
Youth League. However, at this time the independent peace group Dialogue
emerged. It called for arms reductions by both super powers and the
establishment of a European nuclear-free zone. Although not allowed to
establish its own peace centre, the group managed to stay independent of both
the official Peace Council and political dissidents and to grow in size and
influence for a few years. In 1983 the group split and, in the face of
escalating governmental harassment due to the increase in Cold War tensions
and the pronouncements of its more radical branch, disbanded. This lead to
something of a lull in the peace movement until the winds of political change
swept the country.

The Cold War is over. Nuclear tensions are to a large degree a thing of the
past. Now there is no one overwhelming issue dominating the peace agenda. We
no longer have PND with branches in every suburb. Some old peace activists
see this as a trough and are pessimistic about the relevance of peace
activism when there is no Vietnam or threat of nuclear destruction to
galvanise people into action. But there are still issues, far too many, that
need urgent attention: The slaughter and ill-treatment of non-human species,
massive human rights violations around the world, the spread of ethnic
hatred, the destruction of rainforests and the environment generally, dozens
of local wars, unequal opportunities for women and members of marginalised
groups - and many others that could push this list into several paragraphs.
And, fortunately, there are still concerned people struggling on. There are
many small loosely linked groups tackling single issues. Often the
memberships are shared (those with a concern about rainforest destruction are
often also concerned about issues such as the war in Bougainville).

The present situation in Hungary is similar. Like here, the members of the
Cold War peace movements who struggled for nuclear disarmament have joined
political parties or faded away. A new group of, mostly, young enthusiasts
have taken up the issues of current concern. But for the historical reasons
discussed above, activism is still in its infancy.

While there are now active discussion groups concerned with a myriad of
topics from animal liberation (and even a short visit to the Budapest zoo
makes it clear how desperately this is needed) to concerns over the
liberalisation of gun laws (at least the old communist regime maintained a
total monopoly over weapons, keeping them out of private hands), most issues
are debated among intellectuals or action is restricted to the field of
political lobbying.

Despite the fact that the country is dirty and polluted, from an Australian
standpoint there is surprisingly little environmental activism. (This of
course must be qualified by mentioning the massive but ultimately doomed
failure of the movement against the Czechoslovakian diversion of the Danube).
And there is not even a well organised movement against the neighbouring war
in the former Yugoslavia. (This must be qualified by pointing out that
several smaller campaigns in this area have been undertaken by activists,
including a campaign against Western governments repatriating refugee Serbian
citizens, especially those of Hungarian origin, who did not want to serve in
the Serbian army.

Although in Australia there is still the occasional action against US bases
and arms exhibitions, the battles against conscription ended almost quarter
of a century ago. In Hungary this is still the primary issue. The main focus
of action of the latest wave of the peace movement centres around the issue
of militarism generally and especially conscription. And in order to
understand this, something must be said about the history of the Hungarian
anti-conscription movement.

Compulsory military service has been a long-standing institution in the
country, and one that could not be questioned during the forty years of
communist rule. On top of this, the Catholic church had always supported the
military establishment. Hungarian saints were often warriors and are depicted
holding swords. When the Church came to an accommodation with the regime, one
that more radical Christians saw as a sell-out, it was therefore not
difficult for it to oppose conscientious objectors (COs), and take firm
measures against priests who publicly espoused anti-militarist sentiments.

In the mid-1980s, Hungary had its first non-religious, purely political
objectors to compulsory military service. And after the change of regime the
Church finally showed some concern for imprisoned COs.

When conscientious objection to military service was incorporated into
Hungarian law in 1989 a tribunal (since abolished) was set up to examine the
bona fides of objectors. In the first year, only about one third of the 570
odd individuals seeking alternative service were granted exemption from
carrying arms. By the first half of 1994 almost 800 individuals had sought
exemption and 95% were successful. Now as long as the objector uses the word
"conscience" in his application for alternative service, it is granted and
generally undertaken in hospitals, schools, or in agricultural and other
non-profit activities. Those seeking exemption from military service on
purely political, rather than conscience based, grounds are still imprisoned.
 
There are four groups, with a membership that is in many instances shared, in
the forefront of the campaign against compulsory military service.

(1) The Bokor ("bush") Catholic base community is the oldest continuing group
in this movement. Founded after the war in order to maintain religious faith
in the face of governmental repression, the communities function under the
principles of service (to refuse to exercise power over other people),
poverty (to aid the poor in Hungary and abroad, normally 10% of wages are
dedicated to this) and nonviolence (refusing any kind of military service).

A founding member of the Bokor community, the mathematician Jozsef Merza was
summoned by the army to undertake his reservist duty in 1979. He refused
service and was sentenced to eight months imprisonment. After he had served
two months the sentence was reduced to a heavy fine which the communities
helped to raise. When he again refused military call-up the following year he
was again fined and dismissed from his job. His actions gave a strong boost
to those contemplating conscientious objection.

Between 1979 and 1989, when with the change of regime the conscription laws
were liberalised, about thirty Bokor members chose jail instead of military
service. The sentences were generally eight to eighteen months longer than
the eighteen months of compulsory military service and most defendants could
not return to their jobs following the completion of their sentences.

Besides its anti-military stance the activist members of the community
campaigned for the abolition of capital punishment (something which was
finally achieved in 1990) in order to ensure that there would be no bloody
recriminations with the inevitable change of regime. Now, with (they admit)
little hope of short-term success, they are campaigning to prevent priests
from directly serving the military. They argue that if soldiers want to
worship, they should attend church services outside the barracks. The
religious hierarchy counters with the argument that the churches must
minister to young men on the inside of the military establishment. The
Catholic, Protestant and Lutheran leaders, as well as the chief rabbi, hold
military ranks and are unanimous in their desire to minister to the troops.
Bokor sees this as tantamount to the blessing of weapons.

(2) The Eroszakellenes Forum ("Anti-Violence Forum"), founded in 1991, is a
small discussion/lobby group with representatives from various anti-military,
green and radical organisations. Its concern is with human rights issues and
is currently working against the liberalisation of gun laws and, with Bokor,
on the issue of priests in the military. With Alba Kor, it organises annual
Hiroshima-day demonstrations.

(3) Founded in November 1993, the Hadkotelezettseget Ellenzok Ligaja
(Anti-Compulsory Military Service League) is a single action group that
devotes its energies to political lobbying in order to influence the framing
of the new constitution so that a future Hungarian army will be composed
solely of volunteers. HEL is a large organisation with over 1,800 members and
is quite well known within the country because of the many locally famous
personalities within its ranks.

(4) From the point of nonviolent activism, the most interesting group is Alba
Kor: Eroszakmentes Mozgalom a Bekeert (Alba Circle: Nonviolent Movement for
Peace), Hungary's chapter of The War Resisters' International.

Before the change of regime, the formation of an overt anti-conscription
organisation would have been unimaginable. With the change, and with the
introduction of the possibility of civilian service as an alternative to the
carrying of weapons, Alba Kor was founded to ensure that COs had a fair
trial, to make the longer period of civilian service of equal length to
military service and eventually to do away with compulsory service
altogether. In the long-term their goal is to see the creation of a neutral
(there is much talk within Hungary of joining NATO) and demilitarised
Hungary. 

Now that the granting of alternative civilian service is almost automatic,
Alba Kor has branched into other areas. In its struggle against militarism,
in 1991 the group conducted a children's peace day. Believing that war toys
legitimise societal violence, the group conducted a pancakes for war toys
exchange in the city's central park area on Margaret Island (and is planning
further such actions). It has also conducted protest actions focussing on
international military flashpoints (most recently against the bombing of
Grozny outside the Russian embassy), and has protested for various human
rights issues with good press coverage.

In 1992 their focus turned more immediately international when the members of
a Hungarian majority village in Serbia collectively refused military service.
Alba Kor members supported the campaigners by sending medicines and supplies
to the villagers. They also hosted Serbian and Croatian peace activists so
that they could exchange views - something which they could not do within the
confines of the former Yugoslavia.

While the actions conducted by Alba Kor are still small, rarely do they
attract more than twenty to thirty activists, they are optimistic that this
is only the beginning. They are busily networking within the country, setting
up branches in provincial cities, producing newsletters, conducting study
circles and planning to conduct nonviolence training courses.

The Alba Kor green group is currently planning an anti-smoking campaign
(something, in a country where forty percent of the population smokes, and
where tobacco advertising is ubiquitous) and has recently started a campaign
against the new Hungarian habit (to an outsider some aspects of law and order
have broken down in the capital) of parking on footpaths in such a way that
pedestrian traffic is totally obstructed. This is to be done constructively
with the aid of notices that are placed under windscreen wipers, reminding
drivers that they are parked illegally and inconveniencing walkers. This
should be contrasted against the non nonviolent actions of the small group of
young Hungarian anarchist activists who have a competition for those who can
steal the emblems (it seems they have Mercedes cars in mind) from cars
(prize: a half year subscription to their newsletter, with a special prize
for each Rolls Royce emblem sent in).

Alba Kor got a major boost last year with the aid of a grant from the
European Union to assist in the publication of material on the laws relating
to military service and its alternatives, to publish a yearly report on the
position of COs in the country, to provide legal service for those
contemplating a refusal of military service, to conduct nonviolence training
workshops, to help spread the culture of nonviolence in the country through
actions and publications.

This is a group of over 200 young and enthusiastic activists. Although they
have few resources and limited experience, they are keenly interested in
Gandhi and nonviolence (they are now receiving NvT) and are eager to network
with other activists around the world. In their hands there is now, for the
first time, a real prospect for nonviolent activism in a country where there
is much to do, and with the lid lifted off a previously repressive system
there is now a chance of doing it. Thanks to the funding they have received
they now have an office (ironically in the same street as the Ministry for
Defence) a computer, photocopier and a fax machine, They can be contacted
through their PO Box - Budapest, 1461, pf. 225; or on email (at
alba@alba.zpok.hu.) or fax (on +36-1-250-1546).
Thomas Weber