It is inspiring to recognise the increasing number of people who choose to make environmental and social change efforts part of their lifestyles and that so many undertake to play a proactive role against injustice in its many forms. This book is a series of stories contributing to a great and timely movement to help heal the planet. Yet to portray the efforts of one small group alone is insufficient; everyone has a role to play. This appendix explains the groundwork involved in organising for change and includes anecdotal sections which, it is hoped, will allow a deeper understanding of these types of events in the Australian context. From such awareness will come the recognition that we all can empower ourselves to act. My hope is that the information provided here will encourage people to embark on their own projects, to save the world through liberation from powerlessness.
For those already involved, this appendix is a reminder that as we stumble along, attempting to bring our dreams for a better world into reality, we must be aware of the danger of personal burnout and recognise that there are other like-minded people ready to support us and our ideals. Perhaps the most important issue is this: we must maintain the ability to laugh, particularly at ourselves.
Most of the successful campaigns in Australia have been the result of a multi-dimensional approach. In what should be a symbiotic relationship, each element of a campaign relies on the cooperation and smooth functioning of other 'departments' to survive. A group of people protesting environmental destruction or social injustice will have their efforts fall on deaf ears unless supported by fundraising teams, political lobbyists and media. Conversely, organisations seeking to wield power on an issue can be exposed a"paper tigers' without the support of those on the ground to back up demands. A creative change of roles by various players also assists success. An organisation that has participants bath in the office and in the field, with a practical understanding on all levels, will create the most formidable campaign.
Familiarity with the various functions is a definite asset. Working with the different sections, knowing people, their problems, hopes and fears at all stages, is a bonus not often achieved in major campaigns. Despite the political success of the Franklin campaign, the protest failed in this practical respect. Friction between grassroots movements and the green bureaucracy dogged its operations from start to finish. This resulted in bad relationships and a negative legacy for future cooperation.
In contrast to this, a successful formula for people's actions was created in the various protests in northern New South Wales. With an interesting mix of flexibility and sharing, it grew out of a movement that was to give great respect to those on the front line. From Terania onward it was truly a people-power campaign. The North East Forest Alliance likewise acted successfully in support of forest blockades, accepting the role of leadership without taking the power. Their emphasis is on community action.
Much of the following is based on a paper prepared by Samantha Potts and Aiden Ricketts of the Big Scrub Environment Centre in Lismore. It highlights some of the activities that can be undertaken for the local and global environment.
Form an action group
Establish a clearly recognisable action group with defined goals and objectives. A group can provide invaluable support and can develop ideas to create an innovative and effective campaign. Simple things like nominating spokespersons and creating a letterhead will give a professional and organised demeanour to activities. There must be a postal and phone contact for all public statements and leaflets. Just as a picture is worth a thousand words, a clever acronym can be a decisive tool in the struggle for public recognition. Stop the Ocean Pollution (STOP) and People Opposed to Outfalls (POO) can justifiably claim great success in mobilising the population on the sewage issue in New South Wales. From small beginnings, organisations can become recognised in the wider community. Thus some greenies have become The Greens, a formidable political organisation at a local, national and international level.
Tactics should be approached with an eye for diversity. Investigate all angles and place events in sequence. If there are too many to put in place at once, keep one tactic in reserve. Above all, don't fall into the trap of allowing your tactics to compete with one another. Consider actions as cooperative steps towards the shared goal. In too many instances various parts of the movement compete to achieve goals their way.
At times, the temptation is great to name a new organisation to reflect the radical and fiery ideals of those pioneering a campaign. However, it is easy to become stuck with an odious label just as the movement is gaining wider social acceptance. Notable historical backfirings have gone beyond the simple failure of a group achieving their goals and resulted in a backlash that could have been avoided.
A case in point was the Tooheys Forest Liberation Army on the Griffith University campus, Queensland, in the early 1980s. The aim of this group was to save forested areas on campus from being carved up for building extensions and car parks. Members of the 'Army' took to kidnapping other students and the occasional onside staff member. They were not averse to bursting into lectures armed with toy machine guns and wearing balaclavas; death threats were jestingly made and the university was awash with propaganda. This attracted the attention of Special Branch and ASIO. With the campus being intended for use as a residential village during the 1982 Commonwealth Games, the threat to security was taken seriously. Investigations led to a pair of imposing plainclothes police knocking on the door of a very middle class home one evening. Startled parents were questioned as to the political activities and associations of their son - an action not conducive to congenial familial relationships. As a final blow to the fun war, the 'Army' failed to stop the demolition of their forest.
The formation of an action group need not depend upon the gathering of a safe number of people. If the issue is urgent, chances must be taken. Organisations can be formed as a skeleton crew behind a name and encouraged to jump in at the deep end. If the cause is just it will resonate with sections of the community and the group will grow. Often the initial splash of media will aid credibility and draw inexperienced and unconfident people together into a successful working group.
The Australian 'cultural cringe' extends to a lack of recognition of our environmental heritage. In every debate it is vital to convince would-be supporters of an ecosystem's value and rarity. If, for instance, a patch of local forest has been a favourite spot for locals to visit, broadcasting the threat to it in the media can quickly legitimise the forest's importance.
In our society, symbols are of great importance. My rule of thumb has been: the more radical the aims and methods of the group, the more conservative the name. For example, the Broken Head Protection Committee was formed by myself and another local surfer in a desperate move to kick-start a campaign against a tourist resort that was pretending to be an educational institution, the Cape Byron International Academy (the resort was not even at Cape Byron but was located next to the Broken Head Nature Reserve, which it intended to utilise). In a four-year campaign we combined education with theatre and the threat of court and direct action.
When the developers decided to sponsor a professional surfing contest, we threatened to paddle out and disrupt it. The sponsors withdrew in a storm of media controversy. The thought of disrupting a professional, international competition, with thousands of spectators, was daunting. We stood our ground, and surprisingly enough the media went our way.
Think globally act locally
Success is not measured just by heroics splashed across the media but by concerted, unending action at the local level.
Local issues are often some of the hardest. In my home town of Byron Bay, radioactive tailings remained as the residue of beach sandmining. In protest against this I formed the Byron Radiation Information Centre - yours truly with a Geiger counter. Greg Tollis and myself plotted the many areas of radiation in the town. Sites included the hospital, a school, an old people's home and private residences. I was not the first to raise the alarm, but I recklessly promoted it in the local media. (My most notable venture into journalistic hyperbole followed the discovery of radiation under the local girl guides hall; the press release was entitled 'BROWNIES FRY'. My truck had become a rolling billboard. On the front doors were large radiation symbols with the caption 'BYRON SHIRE RESIDENT - RADIOACTIVE'. I regularly parked my vehicle outside local real estate offices. Government action was soon forthcoming: the State Health Department called a public meeting and a cleanup of contaminated areas was undertaken.
As Byron's tourist potential grew, the major issue became coastal development. The presumption of legitimacy through land ownership and money had been pervasive. When land adjacent to an Aboriginal women's sacred site was auctioned at Surfers Paradise, members of the Broken Head Protection Committee attended and, amidst ridicule from the white shoe brigade, let potential buyers know that they were purchasing a political and environmental issue. No-one made a bid on that land and we provoked a significant storm in the local media.
While Byron entrepreneurs attempted to extract profits from our local environments, a bigger shark circled our town, attracted by its international profile as a tourist Mecca. Club Med represented a significant upgrading of the town's tourist industry. The pro-development lobby preached economic benefit with religious fervour. The opposition, initially led by local environmentalists, grew to include others from the local community. The network broadened and the Byron Shire Businesses for the Future (BSBF) group was formed, creating a more substantial opponent to Club Med. The council granted approval for Club Med. The BSBF had a significant win in the Land and Environment Court which ruled that a fauna impact statement (FIS) was necessary. Club Med has complied with the court's decision and has produced an FIS, which led to the discovery of additional endangered species.
Rallies sparked media interest across the nation. Our main stumbling block was a reactionary majority on council; absurd in their ineptitude, they highlighted the need for electoral action. The community organised to regain a progressive majority at the next council elections. Byron Shire in the local government elections in September 1995 saw a new council elected. The Greens now have an elected councillor in the shire, Richard Staples, and there is a majority of progressive thinkers holding the balance of power.
Incorporation
It is not always necessary or desirable to incorporate an action group, but it can be of assistance to larger groups with premises, employees and tax-deductible bank accounts.
On the down side, incorporation can lock a group into a bureaucratic framework which mirrors the power structures and institutions being opposed. People-power stands in contrast to both bureaucracy and corporate culture. The latter generally involves a transfer of decision-making power away from individuals towards corporate entities. However, it is possible to have an incorporated group working with consensus and non-hierarchical structures.
An effective organisational form for a small action group is a network. This can work within or alongside existing groups and establish itself as a political, media and social entity without the time- consuming and distracting issues of setting up constitutions and voting systems, organising annual general meetings and appointing office bearers. Involvement in a network need not imply membership as such. Networks can operate in a more personal and flexible manner. Usually the network is activist-based and decisions are arrived at among 'active' members. If there is no structure within which to have a power struggle, no voting procedure to be stacked' and no elected office bearers to compete with each other, there is no forum for numbers games, administrative obstruction and process addiction.
Such a network must share a common ethos and aim. There must be some agreement on the ways in which differing points of view can be accommodated. Differences of opinion within the group are resolved through human processes, rather than by resorting to structure. By avoiding an organisation: meetings can exist solely to deal with issues. The aim is to arrive at the most appropriate action; time and energy will not be wasted on organisational housekeeping.
Instead of office bearers, members of the network occupy their positions within the group solely on the basis of skills, involvement and support from other members. It is implicit that such a network operates on a personal basis.
This type of organisation is participatory in nature and it is intended that 'top down' decision making and the 'tyranny of the majority' be replaced by full participation in decisions.
An unincorporated action has no corporate ego to defend. Rather, it is the reputation and actions of public officials which are on the line. Regardless of their accusations and methods of intimidation, keep the issues in focus and don't allow yourself to be bullied into self defence. As a general rule, ignore attempts to personalise the campaign. Of course, there are those who have developed the personal attack into an art form. It is fraught with danger but is not to be ruled out altogether. A case in point was the attack on Alan Bond by local anti-development fighter Fast Buck$ over a controversial development north of Byron Bay. It is now history that Alan Bond's business style justified the personal attacks. However, it is not a route for the faint-hearted.
Green power is enhanced by the fact that the vested interest usually has the most to lose. In cases where there is a potential for litigation, less vulnerable individuals - those without significant assets - can represent the conservation case in court. Companies and governments are not averse to a court attack on an individual or group simply to silence opposition. This type of legal attack, known as 'strategic litigation against public participation suits' (SLAPPS), has become common in the United States. Suits like these have been seen in Australia, including two notable cases in the Byron Bay region. In 1992 Club Med threatened to sue the Byron Environment Centre over a leaflet the Centre had produced and distributed. Ballina Council took the president of the Clean Seas Coalition, 72-year-old Bill Ringland, to court for defamation over a press statement against the upgrading of the Lennox Head sewage outfall. Bill won the case through legal support and the efforts of the community, which felt that the litigation was a cowardly act by big government. This position was upheld in an historic decision by the Supreme Court of New South Wales, which brought into question the right of an elected body to sue a citizen, in this case a ratepayer, for defamation.
Define problams and set goals
Be clear on group activities and issues and define individual and group commitments from the outset. Simple goals are invaluable throughout a campaign. A written copy detailing the group's goals and objectives is invaluable for new recruits, supporters, the media and other interested parties. A loose time-frame and an action plan also keep the campaign on track.
Gather information
This is a vital and time-consuming component of the campaign. First, know who or what your campaign is opposing. Research information and, if need be, involve qualified, authoritative people to evaluate the issue. Information is power; in a campaign where you are often the underdog, the possession of correct information is crucial, especially if public comments or accusations are to be made.
Seek information on the local government's stance on the issue and the opponent. Legislation regulating the proposed activity should be investigated, as should detailed information on the opposition, be it a company or a government department. Often it can be difficult to obtain certain information; find out your rights under the Freedom of Information legislation. It may be necessary to be assertive. Similarly, company, title and lease searches through the Land Titles Office and Australian Securities Commission can turn up invaluable information.
Regarding the opposite flow of information, that is, from you to the police, tell them only as much as you need them to know. Nominate liaison people who will consult back to the group. Such consultation can prevent a rash response to an authority in unexpected or intimidating circumstances. The internal politics of group decision making can also be used as a defence and an opportunity to gain breathing space.
Spread the word
The public must be made aware of the issue. Only then will you get additional recruits, increase public support (or at least controversy) and be able to pressure the opponent into answering in public. The media is an obvious channel for spreading the word. It is important to make contact with sympathetic professionals who can ably transmit the issue to the population, as their support can be utilised for more effective campaigning. Background information and position papers can involve the media more deeply in the issue.
Effective media releases are essential. At first the media will treat your information as 'opinion: especially when it is consistently contradicted by vested interests. Releases should aim to be informative. If they are consistently factual they will be taken seriously by discerning journalists. Make predictions; when these come true it increases the group's credibility and preempts the other side's response.
Access to the media varies greatly depending on the locality. A country issue can be fed to local media with ensuing debate reflected and deflected in letters to the editor and talkback programmes. The city media has the opportunity to select from voluminous input and is often more cynical. Election times are horrendous, as media releases from electoral hopefuls pile up in the incoming fax basket. A catchy logo that stands out in black and white can be invaluable. If the interest of the media is tickled, it tends to chase the story. It is disempowering to attempt to persuade a disinterested media representative on a critical issue of survival ... 'What frog is that'
Public meetings can unearth a wealth of unforeseen circumstances and generate information and debate throughout the community. People like to be included. Advertising the public meeting provides an opportunity to access the media and gives an edge to a story in danger of falling flat. Post meeting offers another opportunity to broadcast attendance numbers and advertise community reaction. At meetings it is helpful to pass resolutions which can be forwarded as a concrete result in the media to assist debate or fuel controversy. Exploit all political opportunities, or create them. All relevant politicians (if such beings exist) should be forced to state their position and act on it. After all, today's protest may be next election's issue!
Networking with other environmental groups is useful - another opportunity to spread the word. Advice, ideas and support are generally forthcoming; nothing is worse than labouring away re-inventing the wheel. The theme of working for the planet repeats itself endlessly. Information and strategies have been collated over many years, and those who have the information are generally happy to share it. If one has a toxics problem, for instance, critical and technical information is one call away on BIOMAP, one call away on the Internet. These systems are now highly sophisticated and offer support locally, nationally and internationally.
Ultimately, there is nothing quite like the one-to-one approach. Doorknocking and leafleting can be of great assistance in a local campaign. Although it is not altogether a safe pastime (depending upon the place and the issue), it will get the message across like no other method. In traditional society, markets were the meeting places for the trade and exchange of information and ideas. Markets have flowered in recent times, and just as of old they provide an efficient conduit for getting a message across. A stall or a wandering freelancer with an information flier in hand can contact large numbers of people with little effort. Another target is public transport - for example, stations where people wait with time to read. In addition to the information, instructions of who to write to, postal addresses and a list of salient points will enhance effectiveness.
A word on petitions: these are usually the first thing a newly formed group undertakes, with keen supporters of a cause making it their full-time occupation to get signatures. Some campaigns which use this method are successful. However, to most, a petition signed is a job done; the signer, with ten seconds' effort, has done his or her bit to save the planet. Encouraging people to write short letters is more effective for, unlike petitions, letters must be answered. Politicians judge the number of letters they receive on the issue as an indication of community support. It is recorded that in 1982 Premier Neville Wran walked into a Cabinet meeting, ready to face hostility against rainforest conservation. Armed with a huge box of letters, he slammed them onto the table - with devastating effect on his opponents.
Letters should be written to the media, all levels of government and the companies involved. They can request information, reveal the opposition, challenge statements or simply overwhelm by volume. Government bodies are required to call for public input on development issues. This submission process can appear daunting. Everyone can make a submission on issues important to them, and sometimes anecdotal evidence is telling. If a person or group has the expertise they can write a scientific submission, or one couched in jargon, to great effect. It is important to obtain a submission outline and application form from the body conducting the process. Have something definite to say and state it clearly and simply. Suggested headings include: Summary, Purpose, Background, Conclusions, Recommendations.
The power of song
Ours is a revolution fired by the awesome power of music, art and drama. We use our emotional connection with the plight of the earth as a highly effective tool. The songs we sing can stem violence and move people to risk their lives; they communicate feelings across the world. Songs are the mortar in building a successful movement for social change. Throughout this book, examples have been given of songs and their effectiveness, the way in which they colour our aural world and convey the political positions of those who sing them.
One special case was Tonka Toys by Frog Smith (last verse added by Gerry Bradley). When we turned loggers back at Nightcap, next to their chainsaws we found a yellow Tonka bulldozer. Frog created a song which lightened the atmosphere and let them know how we felt. A product of the radical action of Nightcap, it travelled with us to the Franklin Blockade. One day on the river and in front of Hydro Electric Commission executives, we sang that song with gusto. They were so offended that they complained to the Wilderness Society. We received a stern command from downriver: the song was not to be sung at the blockade.
Ian Cohen
From: Green Fire by Ian Cohen, published January 1997 by HarperCollins Publishers. rrp: $17.95. Copyright Ian Cohen. Reprinted with the permission of HarperCollins Publishers.
Tonka Toys
We wanna cut, we wanna kill
We wanna bulldoze that there hill,
We don't care who pays the bill
Cos we're Playing with our Tonka toys.
I'll cut a snig crack and you'll block the creek
And he'll cut the trees where the slope's too steep,
Give the conservationists the creeps
When we're playing with our Tonka toys.
I've got a bulldozer, you've got a chainsaw
And he's got a logging truck,
We don't care about environmental impact
We're only in it for the bucks, mate.
I've got a lunch pail, you've got a thermos
And he's got a yellow hat,
After lunch we'll clear-fell the forest
And that'll be the end of that, mate !
We're all playing with our Tonka toys
Just like little Australian boys,
Making lots of lovely noise
Playing with our Tonka toys.
We were so tough, we were so proud
But we got stopped by a noisy crowd,
The magistrate said we weren't allowed
To play with our Tonka toys.